Marshall the man behinde a great website scripts builder.. espbase.com.. Jumuiya not left behinde... Such a great forum website to discuss numerous things.. ๐
Plea for Afrika
It's not targeting anyone's religion I just want to pray for Unity in Africa regardless of anything that divides us. I don't mean to make this sound like a religious preaching.
Good morning Comrades.
โญ *JOKE OF THE WEEK*
An old farmer wrote a letter to his son who is in prison. "Son, this year I will not plant cassava
and yam because I can't dig the field, I know if you were here you would have helped me".
The son replied his father "Dad don't even think of digging the field because that's where I buried the money I stole".
The POLICE & PRISON'S on reading this letter went early in the morning and dug the whole field in search of the money but nothing was found.
It is no longer a news that one of the leading NGOs in Akwa Ibom State has concluded it's empowerment program across the 31 LGAs in Akwa Ibom State where only women above 60 years benefited.
When fielding questions from the newsmen, the Founder / CEO of the organization, Ms Edidiong Akpan the motive behind the humanitarian service to only aged women, according to her, "many of these old women in the villages have no person looking after them and they lack strength to work in order to feed as a result of thier age, little money to buy food stuff like this is a big challenge, they need our attention and support".
Recall that same NGO during 2020 global lock down distributed palliatives worth millions of naira to the less privileged in a view to assist the Government to cushion the effects of the Covid 19 pandemic, though the recent engagement of women in all the LGAs appears to be the biggest, most stressful and emotional since the establishment of Didi Caution Foundation (DCF) in 2020.
The LGAs humanitarian tour and social works had Box of Love package that contains foodstuff, beverages, ingredients and a separate bag of rice to support the women.
The tour which started on 19th July 2021 ended on 13th August 2021 followed with a visitation to a popular orphanage home called Brand of Hope who also benefited from same gesture.
Edidiong Akpan, the Founder of Didi Caution Foundation and her team were showered with prayers from all visited beneficiaries ranging from old women across the LGAs and the orphanage home.
The beautiful humanitarian, Ms Edidiong Akpan who is also the CEO of Brite n Glow Skincare recently bagged an Award as the MOST SUPPORTIVE CEO OF THE YEAR by Ladi Bee Royal Empire at their Abuja Mega Street Dance Hall held in Abuja on Saturday 28th August 2021.
The Federal government has charged a former Commandant General of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Dr. Adewale Abolurin and six others before the Federal High Court in Abuja for laundering N2.5billion. Other defendants in the case are Hakeem Adekunle Shittu, Akeem Ajasa Adeyinka, Gbemi Kehinde, Sanusi Yakubu Tofa, Aminu Lamu Yaji and Lamu Multi Services.
In one of the charges, Dr. Adewale Abolurin and another accused person, Hakeem Adewale Shittu were accused of directly transferring N2,493,188,840.00 from the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps Zenith bank Account No 1013280568. The duo were also accused of transferring the sum of N314,020,000.00 from the same Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps Account with Zenith Bank to one VeronicaOdita with Zenith Bank account No: 1001121868 which they ought to have known or reasonably ought to have known to have formed part of proceeds of unlawful act to wit criminal breach of trust in respect of the funds of NSCDC thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 15(2) (b) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition)Act.2011, As Amended and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Act.
In another count, both Abolurin and Shittu were accused of transferring N390,218,375 from the NSCDC account with the Zenith Bank to the Zenith Bank Account of Olusegun Joshua Ogunkolo with Account No: 20885980277 which was a criminal breach of trust in respect of the funds of NSCDC punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act.
Another sum of N405,520,74.00 was also alleged to have been transferred from the NSCDC account with Zenith Bank to another Zenith bank operated by one Adewole Kokoyi. Hakeem Adewale Shittu was accused of receiving cash payment of $9,835,170USD being equivalent of N2,206,078,240.00 from one Adewale Samuel Kukoyi without going through a financial institution thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 1(a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition )Act 2021. Hakeem Adewale Shittu in another count was also accused of making cash payment of $9,855,170 equivalent of N2,206,078,220 without going through a financial institution thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 5 (a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act 2011 as amended and in conjunction with Sections 16(1)(d) of the same Act and punishable under Section 16 (2) (b) of the same Act.
Dr. Adewale AbolurinFederal GovernmentNigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC)
For a while now, I have been speaking about the economic warfare that is upon Zimbabwe and how it was designed to destroy the nationโs capacity to decolonize, rise and develop through using its own resources.
But what I havenโt stressed enough is the fact that Zimbabwe has actually been under this economic warfare from the day it attained independence. All done in an effort by western countries to ensure that it never succeeds as an independent black nation as was the case with Haiti.
Some have even suggested that it has been under such warfare since 1890 when the pioneer column crossed the Zambezi and Europeans took over all factors of production from Africans, enslaving them and making them dependent on European systems, to break their ability to compete and resist European hegemony.
What is clear, however, is European nations will continue to sabotage African countries to stop them from establishing the capacity to compete with western countries, so that they retain monopoly on controlling and processing African resources.
This is a key colonial objective that was established, firstly, by the Doctrine of Discovery [Law Of Nations] in 1452-1493 and then codified into International [western] Law, by the Berlin Conference, for the survival of European nations or what they refer to as โthe maintenance of their civilizationโ.
All across the world, we have seen European power projected mercilessly to exploit non-white nations, and now it has been taken a notch up by the United States forcefully exerting its influence upon Latin America, the Caribbeans, Pacific, Asia and Africa through over 900 military outposts or bases, in what has been coined #ManifestDestiny or the Monroe Doctrine.
In Southern Africa, we had a period known as #TotalOnslaught or #TotalStrategy, in which apartheid South Africa, which saw itself as the superpower of Africa, was used by western powers, to destabilize Southern African states to force them to become the CONSAS [Constellation of Southern African States] led by apartheid South Africa.
This, was done to maintain white domination through the firm establishment of western exploitative capitalism in the region, to ensure that white property rights in the region remained secure.
The way this worked was apartheid South Africa would use her political, economic and military might to attack and incapacitate recently liberated African nations to ensure that they remained underdeveloped, indebted and dependent on her European controlled economy.
In 1980, Zimbabwe attained independence and immediately joined SADC [Southern African Development Community] which had just been formed, two weeks prior to Zimbabweโs Independence Day.
The body was formed, primarily, to break the regionโs dependency on apartheid South Africa. Secondly, to build military cooperation between these Southern African states, to neutralize the threat of South African military hegemony on the region and more importantly to end apartheid and its vestiges of colonial capitalism in the region.
As a nation that had liberated itself by the gun, endowed with the most advanced economy, infrastructure, industry, military and road network in sub Saharan Africa after South Africa. Zimbabwe was looked upon by other SADC countries, as the best geared country to leverage SADC into breaking South Africaโs economic and military dominance.
Unfortunately, SADCโs goal of ending apartheid was a problem for both South Africa and the west, because apartheid capitalism contributed the highest returns for global capital. So safeguarding this colonial capitalist order in the region, was of paramount importance for the westโs future, which put western interests on a collision course with SADC objectives.
It is for these reasons that Zimbabwe became a prime target for the west and apartheid South Africa.
As a bulwark for protecting white interests in the region, the American, British and South African governments, alongside Anglo America, formed the Combined Development Agency, to give the South African government nuclear capability as a deterrent to any military challenge from the black regional partners.
By the time Zimbabwe got independence, South Africa had just tested its first nuclear bomb in 1979, while MPLA in Angola had been under 5yrs of sustained attacks from US backed South African Defence Forces.
Companies like AECI, which belonged to Anglo America and Britainโs ICI (this is the company that manufactured the teargas used on June 16 1976), in collaboration with Canadian and American Space Research Cooperation, developed cutting edge weapons to give South Africa an edge in the Angolan war. All the same, it did not save them the embarrassment of defeat.
Attack On Zimbabwe.
Within the first 12 months of independence, Zimbabwe suffered its first attacks, which developed into a 12yr barrage of sanctions, economic sabotage, assassinations and military attacks, that weakened the economy and put the country into the debt trap it finds itself today.
โข It all began between October 1980 and February 1981 with the Entumbane Uprisings, otherwise known as the wars of Bulawayo.
The event was sparked by a period in which Zanla and Zipra forces in demobilization camps in Gweru and Bulawayoโs western townships, began to clash in October 1980.
These clashes were followed by 6000 Zipra soldiers leaving demobilization camps on the 12th of February 1981, to assemble at Gwaai River mine and Essexvale, in preparation for a full-on assault on the new government and Zanla soldiers.
The attack was crushed by the Rhodesian African Rifles, leaving 260 people dead in the aftermath and divisions that would result in a civil war three years later.
โข Soon after the failed attack, many Zipra fighters defected to Botswana, Baputotswana and South Africa, where some were trained by the apartheid government as an outfit called Super ZAPU that would later be sent back to destabilize Zimbabwe.
โข Over the same period, Prime Minister Robert Mugabeโs Bulawayo State House was attacked in an attempt to make Bulawayo a no go area for him. Many historians have said that these attacks were influenced by ex-Rhodesian and South African intelligence elements who used the tensions among guerrillas to spark tribal divisions in the country.
โข Without notice, in April 1981 the South African government withdrew 25 of its locomotives that it had loaned to the Rhodesian government as assistance to move freight to and from South Africa.
This drastically affected grain, sugar, fuel, lubrication and industrial spare parts exports and imports in Zimbabwe. Many businesses were crippled as international orders were not delivered and contracts cancelled.
โข 3rd of August 1981, saw the assassination of ANCโs Joe Gqabi in Harare just outside his house in Ashdown Park by apartheid South African agents.
โข Thirteen days later there was a huge explosion that rocked Inkomo Baracks, destroying US$40mil of arms.
Patrick Gericke, a former Rhodesian soldier, was arrested for the attack, only for him and the white investigating officer who arrested him, to escape to South Africa a few days later.
โข October of the same year Pungwe River bridge that carried traffic and the oil pipeline from Beira is bombed and substantially damaged to put it out of commission for some time.
โข This was followed by South African commandos attacking Beira port and destroying its fuel holding tanks, which led to huge fuel shortages in Zimbabwe and Malawi, throughout 1982.
Zimbabwe was then forced to sign a three year fuel supply contract with Anglo American subsidiary, Freight Services and other South African fuel companies. A very lucrative deal for Freight Services and South African fuel companies who were to reestablish Zimbabweโs dependency on South African products.
It would be later established that one of the white directors of Freight Services and Beira based Briton Dion Hamilton from Angloโs Manica Freight (a Rhodesian sanction buster) were involved in aiding the South African commandos.
With that, a fragile Zimbabwe had little option but to put together a budget and deploy its soldiers to protect the Beira corridor from further sabotage.
โข Additionally, Angloโs Manica Freight, Old Mutualโs Rennies, which bought the apartheid governmentโs SAFMarine, to form RenFreight. Were instrumental in sabotaging Zimbabwean cargo, by refusing to clear non-containerized cargo through Beira, which did not have container handling facilities. This would force all Zimbabwean, Malawian and Zambian shipping to go through South Africa were it was delayed for as long as 32days.
โข On the 18th of December of the same year a huge 15kg bomb went off at 88 Manica Rd, Zanu head quarters, in an attempt to kill senior politicians of the governing party.
โข Two Australians, two British and two American tourists were kidnapped and murdered on the 23rd of July 1982, on their way to Victoriafalls by ZAPU dissidents and South African agents. The aim was to discourage tourism to Zimbabwe, while making Matebeleland a no go area.
โข Two days after that, a bomb laid by a team of ex-Rhodesian and South African bandits rips through Thornhill airbase, destroying a quarter of the air forceโs planes in one fell swoop.
The obvious intent of this bombing and the one at Inkomo 9 months earlier, being to weaken Zimbabweโs military capacity and force the government to spend scarce foreign currency on replacements.
โข 1983, the first of the apartheid government trained and sponsored Supa ZAPU dissidents began a reign of terror in Matebeleland, to foment tribal tensions and civil war.
The conflict would lead to the deployment of the fifth brigade to Matebeleland for 4yrs in a very divisive war that is still haunting Zimbabwe today.
โข To augment this, MNR rebels began to sabotage the Zimbabwe Maputo Chicaulacaula route, causing Zimbabwe to close this boarder post and redirect all its cargo through South African ports.
In the process Mozambique lost huge amounts of revenue in toll charges and port fees from other SADC countries, as cargo now had to be diverted to South Africa.
In a further act of sabotage, the South African government reduced toll and port charges to ensure that even if Chicaulacaula reopened, its rates would not be competitive enough to divert traffic back from South African roads and ports.
All this at a time that South African ports were congested and delaying shipments because of a lack of capacity and deliberate sabotage of SADC freight.
โข At about the same time, MNR rebels increased sporadic crossboarder attacks against Zimbabwean civilians in Manicaland. This prompted Zimbabwe to commit soldiers to a full war in Mozambique, which was to last 8yrs.
For nine years, Zimbabwe was forced to retaliate to unpredictable attacks on its economy and territory at a cost of billions of dollars in unbudgeted expenditure.
Consequences Of Total Onslaught
The #TotalOnslaught can be characterized as Zimbabweโs second economic embargoes of many to follow in the colonial thread of keeping Africans incapacitated and underdeveloped.
Estimates put the losses of this period in excess of UD$4.8bil, lost over 12yrs to military incursions, sanctions, economic sabotage, assassinations, destruction of property, defense spending and an immeasurable cost in social divisions, which we are still fighting to heal today.
Put into perspective, Zimbabwe had just come out of a war of liberation with an inherited US$800mil [US$2.8bil today] of Rhodesian debt. This was accompanied by US$120mil [US$360mil] that Zimbabwe had to spend over ten years [1980-90] buying back land from white farmers in the willing buyer willing seller. Only for the country to then incur an unbudgeted US$4.8bil tab from destabilization by the South African government.
By the time we get to 1990, the country was inundated with a US$2bil [$6,1bil in todayโs money] foreign debt, largely from western lending institutions. Over the period, the military budget had ballooned to 22% of the entire budget, this, at a time most western nations allocated only 2% of their fiscus to military spending.
According to the governmentโs development plans at independence, by 1989, the country was supposed to be building on average 171 000 houses per year to solve its 1.9mil housing backlog. However from 1980 to 1989 government and the private sector only managed to build 56 000 houses as most of the money was lost in mitigating the destabilization campaign.
Even though the country had in excess of US$300mil trade surplus year on year by 1987, the public deficit was running at close to US$600mil by 1989. Foreign currency was running low because a majority of it was going to buy back land from white farmers in foreign currency, servicing international debt (most of it Rhodesian), replenishing weapons and contract penalties due to sabotage of exports by South Africa.
Investment in the country fell because of the instability in Matebeleland and the uncertainty around the war in Mozambique.
Budgets allocated for education, healthcare, sanitation, electrification and social development were diverted to internal security and the war effort, in an effort to defend the nation against the unpredictable apartheid government attacks.
Zimbabwean parastatals like ZISCO and Feruka were sidelined as funds were deviated to the war effort. Other businesses, which were meant to be recapitalizing with new machinery and technology, were losing their contracts due to inefficiencies, sabotage of exports and input imports, so they couldnโt expand.
In a well organized economic war, the apartheid proxies of western imperialism, were able to deal a heavy blow to the Zimbabwean economy and SADC, to stop the region from ending apartheid on their terms.
Peace Negotiations In South Africa
Soon after 1989 the South African government began its negotiations with the ANC in meetings facilitated by Anglo America. Gradually, this saw an end to the apartheid governmentโs overt attacks on the region, albeit, till today, white South African capital as a western proxy, is still actively sabotaging the region for the same apartheid era objectives (the survival of western civilization).
Nevertheless, the damage had been done. Not only was development of the black states hampered, but South African businesses consolidated control of the region, ensuring, that even if an ANC government came into power, corporate South Africa would continue to dominate the region on behalf of the west for decades to come.
In 1989, Zimbabwe had its credit rating downgraded by the IMF. The war in Mozambique would continue until 1992, draining more financial resources from the nation, resulting in the eventual downgrade of the countryโs credit rating to junk status.
As a result, Zimbabwe was forced to restructure its debt and accept the infamous neo-colonial economic structural adjustment programs that saw the nationโs policies being dictated by the IMF. This would lead to the deindustrialization of the economy, in phenomenon referred to as the #ReinartEffect.
Through ESAP, Zimbabwe was essentially put on autopilot to be recolonized by capital, under the auspices of the #WashingtonConsensus and Neo-liberalism, had ZANU PF not resorted to affirmative action and land reform.
As life got tougher due to the austerity measures of ESAP. Zimbabweans lost their jobs to retrenchments and war veterans began to demand the land and the compensation they had been promised for 18yrs.
Instead of letting the country spiral into unrest because of the justifiably disgruntled war veterans who had been neglected while white farmers were being compensated for stolen land and Rhodesian colonial debt was being serviced. Mugabe decided to compensate the war veterans who had liberated the country.
Many Zimbabweans see this as the watershed moment for Zimbabweโs economy, but the truth is Zimbabwe was already in debt crisis from colonial debt, paying white farmers for stolen land, undoing the underdevelopment caused by colonialism, western multi-lateral institutional sabotage and the cost of South Africaโs destabilization.
In 1998 the country began its conference on land with western countries who wanted to renegotiate the terms of Lancaster. When an agreement on new terms was not forthcoming, Zimbabwe with her mounting debts was suspended from the multi-lateral lending institutions as the noose of #DebtSlavery, orchestrated since independence, was tightened.
No longer could Zimbabwe get access to the development and reconstruction loans that were agreed at Lancaster and so the economy went into a tail spin.
Itโs at this point that many of us feel that the Zanu PF government realized that they had been duped into debt slavery [aka debt colonialism] by western countries, after they were persuaded to not demand reparations at Lancaster House, in the name of reconciliation and cooperation with the colonial powers.
Fast Track Land Reform
By the end of 1998, land invasions began as the war vets and communities like Svosve were tired of waiting. In response, government changed the Land Appropriation Act and began the Fast Track Land Reform Program.
At last western powers now had a casus belli to impose its own direct sanctions on Zimbabwe. As a result, from 2001, a plethora of sanctions ranging from ZDERA, Executive Orders 13288, IEEPA and EU sanctions were imposed concomitantly by the United States and the former colonial masters.
These were accompanied by economic sabotage by both local whites, international businesses and South African corporations who pulled US$3,8bil out of the economy in less than a year. This was sabotage on the scale of of the #TotalOnslaught and once again, Zimbabwe was consigned back into western engineered underdevelopment.
Nevertheless, Zimbabwe is not unique, itโs under this backdrop that most of Africa struggles to break the shackles of colonialism.
In the Francophone countries, they are under the leash of the CFA economic imposition. While Africomm, Rwandan hegemony and terrorism keeps West African, East African and Great Lakes countries in check. And in Southern Africa, South African mercenaries destabilize the whole continent, while their capital continues to have a vice grip on the region, as countries in the region have been reluctant to unite and dismantle colonial capitalism in the region.
Until African countries decide to unite in a Pan African block on their terms, Africans will never fully realize emancipation as western countries are moving fast to reestablish colonialism 2.0 through proxies, sanctions, sabotage and compromised leaders, in a new Total Onslaught as they have done since the Berlin Conference.
By Rutendo Bereza Matinyarare
United Pan Africanist Movement Virtual Meeting with Gambia Presidential Candidates Live in Facebook on Date 07/08/2021. You are all Invited as we have a conversation with them.
IT IS NOT TRUE!
1. It is not true we are born with mortal sin. We are a spark of light in flesh to experience nature. We are energy, we are a spirit.
2. It is not true our ancestors were demonic or satanic. The truth is that good and evil are two extreme powers of nature and their purpose is to create, balance.
3. It is not true that God is in the sky and will come down to save you. God is in you already. You are the one to save yourself. The Creator is for everyone.
4. It is not true that God chooses some people to love and some people to hate. God is beyond pettiness. God is a neutral energy available to both the good and the bad. The choice is urs as well as the outcomes.
5. It is not true earth isn't our home. The fact is that we don't really die. When we die we live again in our children. Besides the earth is our first home.
6. It is not true that there is a spirit behind every bad. The truth is that good and bad are natural forces and depend on each other. Without toil there can't be joy.
7. It is not true that our ancestors are in hell. They are with the creator where our will be after death. It is only the creator who determines our fate.
Let's leave the God of the Jews alone. The bible said YHWH is the God of Israel. And a deity isn't the Creator because a dirty is created by the Creator. Let's accept our God of creation, the hidden one, the creative energy available to all.
Anyone can challenge me with this. But let's be logical and factual here so that we can add to knowledge. Lets know before we belief. Let's avoid blind faith, it hurts.
Ikenga (Igbo: literally means "๐๐๐ฟ๐ฒ๐ป๐ด๐๐ต ๐ผ๐ณ ๐บ๐ผ๐๐ฒ๐บ๐ฒ๐ป๐" ) is a horned Alusi found among the Igbo people in southeastern Nigeria. It is one of the most powerful symbols of the Igbo people and the most common cultural artifact. Ikenga is mostly maintained, kept or owned by men and occasionally by women of high reputation and integrity in the society. It comprises someone's Chi (personal god), his Ndichie (ancestors), aka Ikenga (right hand), ike (power) as well as spiritual activation through prayer and sacrifice
Ikenga is exclusively an Igbo symbol. Nevertheless, due to cultural borrowing common during precolonial times,various peoples of Southern Nigeria use it also. Some variants of it are found in Ijaw, Ishan, Isoko, Urhobo and Edo areas. Among the Isoko people, there are three types of personal shrine images: Oma, which represents the "spirit double" that resides in the other world; Obo which symbolizes the right hand and personal endeavor and the lvri which stands for personal determination. In the Urhobo areas it is also regarded as Ivri and in the Edo areas it's called Ikegobo.
Before 15th century AD, igbos residing in Idu and Agbor heavily influenced Benin and her arts culturally. For instance, the borrowing of igbo words like ogbe,ukwu, Ego,,ugbo,ugo,Nkita is still in use today in Benin with limited linguistic use as compared to the igbos who own it.
Igbo groups are still in edo state today like oligie,Ake,igbanke,idumuodin,ottah,Owa,Ebelle ,Idumuoka(awka descendants) some bear titles such as okaigun, depicting they are descendants of awka from Anambra. In places such as Igueben in Edo,a number of communities were founded by igbo migrants(Awka blacksmithers among others) who contributed there smithing skills. Another igbo community in Edo/ Benin is Amahor which have ancestral links with igbos..All in the heart of Benin city today are evidence of the extent of igbo penetration into Benin vicinity before the Portuguese came. Igbos were widely spread and have lived in Idu for centuries ,which later became Benin in 15th centuries. Many Igbos can only recall the time in which they left there original residence in Benin which was time of hostilities by Benin people from 14-16th centuries. Its customary for Igbos of old to trace there way back home (east) when faced with hostilities. This practice has persisted till modern times ,even prior to 1967 civil war following the massacres in the North.
The concept of aka Ikenga(strength of movement) was also introduced to Benin by Nri Priests/Dibias.As customary, the Itinerant native doctos,Priests were frequently consulted by igbos residing east and west of the Niger, and those living in Idu were not exempted.It was at this instance that the concept was introduced to the non-igbos within the vicinity of Idu,in this case,the Benin people. Its origin is dated 900AD introduced by Nris..this prompted Benin to produce Alter of the hand called Ikegobo which is same meaning as it is in igbo.note other words in Benin bearing "Ike" prefix doesn't have same meaning as it applies to Ikegobo, which means its an intrusive one in Benin."Ike" is an igbo word for strength and doesn't mean same in Benin. However "Obo" means hand in Benin, which means the concept of Ikegobo was an intrusive one in Benin. Some linguistic forms were borrowed by Benin people with exact meaning as it applies to Igbos..for instance ugbo(farm)..ugo(Eagle), ogbe(quarters or settlement)..these do not have the linguistic complexity in Benin as compared to igbos who are the true owners of such words..Lastly Ikenga bearing Ichi scarifications as inspired by the 900AD igbo ukwu bronze arts has been in existence for close to 600 years among the Igbos before it introduction in Benin by 16th century. Note:The earliest bronze work found in Benin is a 13th century non-benin style dwarf artifacts which is in no way compared to Igbo ukwu in antiquity.
According to M.D.W Jeffreys, there are three types of Ikenga: ikenga mmadแปฅ (human), ikenga alusi (spirit), and ntu aga (divination objects). The first is a fully developed human figure with horns, seated on a stool. The second is a cylinder with horns. The divination objects are small and simple and come in different shapes
Symbol of Achievement
Ikenga is a personal embodiment of human endeavor, achievement, success, and victory. Ikenga is grounded in the belief that the power for a man to accomplish things is in his right hand. It also governs over industry, farming, and blacksmithing, and is celebrated every year with an annual Ikenga festival. It is believed by its owners to bring wealth and fortune as well as protection.
God of Time
Two-faced Ikenga is the oldest concept of Ikenga in Igboland. It is a two-faced god, with one face looking at the old year while one face looks at the new year. This is the basis of the oldest and most ancient Igbo calendar. As a god of beginnings, it has the praise name of Ikenga owa ota.
๐ ๐ผ๐๐ ๐ผ๐ณ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ฒ๐น๐ฎ๐ฏ๐ผ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ฒ ๐ถ๐ธ๐ฒ๐ป๐ด๐ฎ ๐ฏ๐ฒ๐ฎ๐ฟ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ต๐ถ ๐๐ฐ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ถ๐ณ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป ๐ฝ๐ฎ๐๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ป, ๐ฐ๐ผ๐ป๐๐ถ๐๐๐ถ๐ป๐ด ๐ผ๐ณ ๐ฝ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐น๐น๐ฒ๐น ๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐น ๐น๐ถ๐ป๐ฒ๐ ๐ผ๐ป ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ณ๐ผ๐ฟ๐ฒ๐ต๐ฒ๐ฎ๐ฑ ๐ฎ๐ป๐ฑ ๐๐ฒ๐บ๐ฝ๐น๐ฒ๐.๐ถ๐ป๐ฑ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ป๐ด ๐๐ต๐ฎ๐ ๐ถ๐ ๐ต๐ฎ๐ ๐ฏ๐ฒ๐ฒ๐ป ๐ถ๐ป ๐๐๐ฒ ๐ฎ๐บ๐ผ๐ป๐ด ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ถ๐ด๐ฏ๐ผ๐ ๐น๐ผ๐ป๐ด ๐ฏ๐ฒ๐ณ๐ผ๐ฟ๐ฒ 900๐๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ฒ๐๐ถ๐ฑ๐ฒ๐ป๐ฐ๐ฒ๐ฑ ๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ฎ๐บ๐ฒ ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ต๐ถ ๐๐ฐ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ถ๐ณ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป๐ ๐ผ๐ป ๐ถ๐ด๐ฏ๐ผ ๐๐ธ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐ฟ๐ผ๐ป๐๐ฒ ๐ฝ๐ฒ๐ป๐ฑ๐ฎ๐ป๐ .๐๐ฐ๐ต๐ถ ๐๐ฐ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ถ๐ณ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ ๐ฎ ๐ฝ๐ฟ๐ผ๐ณ๐ฒ๐๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป๐ฎ๐น ๐๐ฝ๐ฒ๐ฐ๐ถ๐ฎ๐น๐ถ๐๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป ๐ผ๐ณ ๐ฒ๐ ๐ฝ๐ฒ๐ฟ๐๐ ๐ณ๐ฟ๐ผ๐บ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐๐๐ธ๐ฎ ๐ฐ๐ผ๐บ๐บ๐๐ป๐ถ๐๐. ๐ง๐ต๐ฒ ๐ถ๐ฐ๐ต๐ถ ๐บ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ธ๐ ๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ฒ ๐๐๐ฒ๐ฑ ๐๐ผ ๐ฑ๐ถ๐๐๐ถ๐ป๐ด๐๐ถ๐๐ต ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ต๐ถ๐ด๐ต๐ฒ๐๐-๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ป๐ธ๐ถ๐ป๐ด ๐บ๐ฒ๐บ๐ฏ๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ ๐ผ๐ณ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐๐ถ๐๐น๐ฒ ๐๐ผ๐ฐ๐ถ๐ฒ๐๐ถ๐ฒ๐, ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐ฒ๐น๐น ๐ฎ๐ ๐๐ผ๐ป๐ ๐ฎ๐ป๐ฑ ๐ฑ๐ฎ๐๐ด๐ต๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ ๐ผ๐ณ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ป๐ผ๐ฏ๐ถ๐น๐ถ๐๐.
1.THE GENESIS, DIFFUSION, STRUCTURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF
ฮฮฮ TITLE IN IGBO LAND by M. ANGULU ONWUEJEOGWU.
2.Interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano, 1789.
3.the lower Niger and its tribes,by Major Arthur Glyn Leonard, 1906
4.Exploring voyage up the rivers of kwora and benue by William Balfour Baikie 1854.
5.Benin factor in the Western Niger igbo history by Emmanuel Nwafor Mordi, PhD, Senior Lecturer ,Department of History and International Studies,Delta State University, Abraka(part of the conclusion)
Until the middle of the nineteenth century, Uganda remained relatively isolated from the outside world. The central African lake region was, after all, a world in miniature, with an internal trade system, a great power rivalry between Buganda and Bunyoro, and its own inland seas. When intrusion from the outside world finally came, it was in the form of long-distance trade for ivory.
Ivory had been a staple trade item from the East Africa coast since before the time of Christ. But growing world demand in the nineteenth century, together with the provision of increasingly efficient firearms to hunters, created a moving "ivory frontier" as elephant herds near the coast were nearly exterminated. Leading large caravans financed by Indian moneylenders, coastal Arab traders based on Zanzibar (united with Tanganyika in 1964 to form Tanzania) had reached Lake Victoria by 1844. One trader, Ahmad bin Ibrahim, introduced Buganda's kabaka to the advantages of foreign trade: the acquisition of imported cloth and, more important, guns and gunpowder. Ibrahim also introduced the religion of Islam, but the kabaka was more interested in guns. By the 1860s, Buganda was the destination of ever more caravans, and the kabaka and his chiefs began to dress in cloth called mericani, which was woven in Massachusetts and carried to Zanzibar by American traders. It was judged finer in quality than European or Indian cloth, and increasing numbers of ivory tusks were collected to pay for it. Bunyoro sought to attract foreign trade as well, in an effort to keep up with Buganda in the burgeoning arms race.
Bunyoro also found itself threatened from the north by Egyptian-sponsored agents who sought ivory and slaves but who, unlike the Arab traders from Zanzibar, were also promoting foreign conquest. Khedive Ismael of Egypt aspired to build an empire on the Upper Nile; by the 1870s, his motley band of ivory traders and slave raiders had reached the frontiers of Bunyoro. The khedive sent a British explorer, Samuel Baker, to raise the Egyptian flag over Bunyoro. The Banyoro (people of Bunyoro) resisted this attempt, and Baker had to fight a desperate battle to secure his retreat. Baker regarded the resistance as an act of treachery, and he denounced the Banyoro in a book that was widely read in Britain. Later British empire builders arrived in Uganda with a predisposition against Bunyoro, which eventually would cost the kingdom half its territory until the "lost counties" were restored to Bunyoro after independence.
Farther north the Acholi responded more favorably to the Egyptian demand for ivory. They were already famous hunters and quickly acquired guns in return for tusks. The guns permitted the Acholi to retain their independence but altered the balance of power within Acholi territory, which for the first time experienced unequal distribution of wealth based on control of firearms.
Meanwhile, Buganda was receiving not only trade goods and guns, but a stream of foreign visitors as well. The explorer J.H. Speke passed through Buganda in 1862 and claimed he had discovered the source of the Nile. Both Speke and Stanley (based on his 1875 stay in Uganda) wrote books that praised the Baganda for their organizational skills and willingness to modernize. Stanley went further and attempted to convert the king to Christianity. Finding Kabaka Mutesa I apparently receptive, Stanley wrote to the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in London and persuaded it to send missionaries to Buganda in 1877. Two years after the CMS established a mission, French Catholic White Fathers also arrived at the king's court, and the stage was set for a fierce religious and nationalist rivalry in which Zanzibarbased Muslim traders also participated. By the mid-1880s, all three parties had been successful in converting substantial numbers of Baganda, some of whom attained important positions at court. When a new young kabaka, Mwanga, attempted to halt the dangerous foreign ideologies that he saw threatening the state, he was deposed by the armed converts in 1888. A four-year civil war ensued in which the Muslims were initially successful and proclaimed an Islamic state. They were soon defeated, however, and were not able to renew their effort.
The victorious Protestant and Catholic converts then divided the Buganda kingdom, which they ruled through a figurehead kabaka dependent on their guns and goodwill. Thus, outside religion had disrupted and transformed the traditional state. Soon afterwards, the arrival of competing European imperialists-- the German Doctor Karl Peters (an erstwhile philosophy professor) and the British Captain Frederick Lugard--broke the Christian alliance; the British Protestant missionaries urged acceptance of the British flag, while the French Catholic mission either supported the Germans (in the absence of French imperialists) or called for Buganda to retain its independence. In January 1892, fighting broke out between the Protestant and Catholic Baganda converts. The Catholics quickly gained the upper hand, until Lugard intervened with a prototype machine gun, the Maxim (named after its American inventor, Hiram Maxim). The Maxim decided the issue in favor of the pro-British Protestants; the French Catholic mission was burned to the ground, and the French bishop fled. The resultant scandal was settled in Europe when the British government paid compensation to the French mission and persuaded the Germans to relinquish their claim to Uganda.
With Buganda secured by Lugard and the Germans no longer contending for control, the British began to enlarge their claim to the "headwaters of the Nile," as they called the land north of Lake Victoria. Allying with the Protestant Baganda chiefs, the British set about conquering the rest of the country, aided by Nubian mercenary troops who had formerly served the khedive of Egypt. Bunyoro had been spared the religious civil wars of Buganda and was firmly united by its king, Kabarega, who had several regiments of troops armed with guns. After five years of bloody conflict, the British occupied Bunyoro and conquered Acholi and the northern region, and the rough outlines of the Uganda Protectorate came into being. Other African polities, such as the Ankole kingdom to the southwest, signed treaties with the British, as did the chiefdoms of Busoga, but the kinship-based peoples of eastern and northeastern Uganda had to be overcome by military force.
A mutiny by Nubian mercenary troops in 1897 was only barely suppressed after two years of fighting, during which Baganda Christian allies of the British once again demonstrated their support for the colonial power. As a reward for this support, and in recognition of Buganda's formidable military presence, the British negotiated a separate treaty with Buganda, granting it a large measure of autonomy and self-government within the larger protectorate under indirect rule. One-half of Bunyoro's conquered territory was awarded to Buganda as well, including the historic heartland of the kingdom containing several Nyoro (Bunyoro) royal tombs. Buganda doubled in size from ten to twenty counties (sazas), but the "lost counties" of Bunyoro remained a continuing grievance that would return to haunt Buganda in the 1960s.